Events Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Events - Essay Example Often the military or the paramedics would step in and, with the aid of volunteers, deal with the situation on an ad-hoc basis. But the disorganized and unsystematic nature of these efforts would lead to less than satisfactory response to the event. It is only in recent decades that organized and exclusive government agencies were set up to prevent and manage unexpected emergencies. It is with the formation of FEMA (Federal Emergency Management Agency) in 1979 that the nation had a separate government body for tackling emergencies. Prior to that, even in the three decades following the Second World War, the approach to emergency events was piecemeal and loosely coordinated. But, despite empowering FEMA with necessary discretionary powers during crisis situations, as well as providing it with sufficient funds for garnering resources, the agency has not lived up to expectations. In more than three decades of FEMA’s existence, the nation has seen a fair share of natural disasters . But often FEMA has been found wanting in its competence and execution of prediction, prevention and relief operations. Two events in particular stand out as great lessons for the agency - Hurricane Andrew of 1992 and Hurricane Katrina of 2005. These two events exposed the state of emergency management in the United States. They played a significant role in shaping the field of Emergency Management subsequent to the event. Remedial measures were taken to restructure related agencies and personnel teams based on the failures experienced during the two events. Hurricane Andrew hit the South Eastern coast of the United States (in particular the states of Florida and Louisiana) in August of 1992. Powerful gale storms above the speed of 170 miles per hour caused havoc in the region. It uprooted hundreds of trees, threw astray public facilities, disrupted telecommunication, made public transportation unviable and most importantly, displaced tens of thousands of people from their homes. I n the aftermath of the hurricane, a quarter of a million citizens were left homeless. Their houses were either destroyed by the hurricane or left inundated by flooding. FEMA was criticized from all angles for failing to anticipate the intensity of the hurricane as well as being able to evacuate vulnerable communities to safer places in advance. It eventually took the arrival of battalions of soldiers from the National Guard to partially bring the situation under control. The National Academy of Public Administration prepared a detailed report on the event titled ‘Coping with Catastrophe’. This report outlined various shortcomings of FEMA and the manner in which it went about its designated work. One of the outcomes of this inquiry is the creation of the Emergency Preparedness and Response Directorate. Yet, these adjustments would prove to be inadequate, as the disasters surrounding Hurricane Katrina of 2005 would show. Hurricane Katrina hit the Gulf Coast region of the United States in August 2005. FEMA’s anticipation of the onset of the hurricane was fairly accurate, and it positioned response personnel in the vulnerable regions ahead of time. But where FEMA erred is in not empowering the personnel with resources and direct access to the affected population. The inadequacy of the response personnel was proven by the fact that within three days of the onset of the Hurricane, the National Guard troops were once again pressed into service. New Orleans

Analysing Post Apartheid Gender Inequality In South Africa Politics Essay

Analysing Post Apartheid Gender Inequality In South Africa Politics Essay Despite the South African constitutions commitment to equal rights for women, the demand for gender equality is incompatible with the preservation of traditional authority in the post-apartheid era. Discuss. Women in South Africa have the most clearly spelt out legal rights in the whole of Africa and when looking at the newly formed constitution the situation for women in South Africa seems to have made a dramatic move in the right direction. After all the constitution prohibits any form of discrimination on the basis of not only gender but sexual orientation. And although it validates both gender equality and the institutions of traditional authority, if they come into direct conflict it is gender equality that will prevail. The national parliament has also moved from being 141st in the world, in regards to the percentage of women members, pre-1994 to 7th post-1994.  [i]  This signals a new era in South Africa, and is mainly down to the ANCs undoubted dedication to gender equality and the introduction of its quota in national elections. However despite the leaps forward in gender equality the fight for womens rights is far from over and it is in the rural areas that the discrimination is most severely felt by women. The South African constitution may be one of the most gender sensitive in the world but this did not come about uncontested by the traditional authorities,  [ii]  who believed the introduction of gender equality would lead to the end of some African traditions, such as, Lobola,  [1]  and in the long term their very institutions. Traditional authorities are seen to be the biggest obstacle facing the women in rural South Africa. This essay will discuss the history of traditional authorities and how the colonial and apartheid eras have influenced and shaped them, the affect they have had of on the development of womens rights and their relevance to understanding the rural womens position. Also the broader tension felt between the principle of elected representation and the continuation of non-electe d chiefs that has implications for the position of women and the country as a whole. And finally a brief look at the question; why did the ANC make concessions to the chiefs at the time of transition. But ultimately that the ANC-led governments belief that they can recognise the institution of traditional leaders while at same time upholding the constitutions principles of gender equality and representative democracy is completely contradictory. Today in post-1994 South Africa the term traditional authorities is an all-encompassing term in which it refers to chiefs of all different ranks and that have jurisdiction over rural people.  [iii]  But this concept of traditional authority has, over the years, has been reshaped and moulded to not only benefit the white ruling governments that have dominated South Africas history but also the patriarchal systems. The two main institutions that were reconstructed were chieftainship and customary law. In the colonial era they were used as a cheap form of administration, later to ensure the successful use of the migrant labour system. In the apartheid era they were used in the states attempt to divide the African population into their ethnic groups so that they would be easier to control. Customary law may be seen by some as a long African tradition but others, as illustrated by Cherryl Walker, believe that customary law is not only sexually discriminatory in the extreme but also a construct of the past hundred years.  [iv]  The chief was also reinvented to become dependent on approval from the centre, for any chiefs that were perceived to be disloyal to the dominant white state, were removed and replaced by more compliant individuals. During this time the most valuable power the chief possessed was the power to allocate land, and it remains so today. This power was beneficial to the apartheid state but has caused massive complications for the reconstruction of rural areas under the new ANC-led government,  [v]  and has been hugely detrimental to the population of rural women and gender equality. The issue of land allocation was one of the largest issues to be resolved facing the new post-apartheid government, and remains so to this day. For the first ten years the new ANC-led government has been very vague on the issue of traditional authorities and land allocation. Traditional authorities took advantage of this indecisiveness and used to their benefit. Things were further complicated by the fact that the constitution recognised the institution of traditional leaders but failed to specify the roles, functions and powers of said authorities. This resulted in massive confusion for the people on the ground and when elected councillors were introduced in 1995/96, the lack of a clear definition led to tension between the newly elected councillors and the traditional authorities, as neither were clear as to what role they would play and considered the other institution to illegitimate. When the ANC came to power and the new democratic constitution was enforced many South Africans believed that the newly elected councillors would take over the function of land allocation, the government indicated that it would become the responsibility of the Traditional rural councils (TRC) however the old apartheid laws were effectively still in place, government officials still used, with a few adjustments, the apartheid procedure and did not recognise the elected councillors as having power to allocate land, as a result by 2000, (the end of the transition period) the rural people had become dissatisfied with the rural councillors.  [vi]   It wasnt until the combination of the Traditional Leadership and Framework Act  [2]  (framework act) in 2003 and the Communal Land Rights Act  [3]  2004, that the government finally clarified the role of traditional authorities. The combination of these two acts drew criticism from a huge range of civil society organisations, ranging from gender activists to land activists, such as, the programme for Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS) and the National Land Committee (NLC) they considered these new traditional councils to be, as Ntsebeza illustrates, a retreat from democracy and the Communal Land Rights Act was an attempt to revive a defunct apartheid institution which was above all extremely discriminatory of women.  [vii]  The reason that the traditional authorities being in control of land allocation is such bad news for women is because of their continuing use of customary law.  [4]  Despite the fact that gender equality should, according to the constitution, prevai l over institutions of traditional authorities, in practice customary law and practice tend to win in matters marriage, divorce and property ownership (with most chiefs still unwilling to allocate land to women) resulting in deeply patriarchal decisions that lessen womens rights to those of their husbands, fathers or even sons.  [viii]  The principle of customary law has even been upheld in the Supreme Court rulings (2000) despite what is clearly stated in the constitution.  [ix]  This elevation of hereditary chieftainship to a privileged and protected position within local government seriously compromises rural womens access to and influence on local governments.  [x]  The framework act has created councils that are dominated by traditional authorities whilst the Communal Land Rights Act has given these structures extraordinary powers, combined they have effectively given the traditional authorities back the powers that they had enjoyed in the apartheid era under the Ba ntu Authorities Act.  [xi]  Through these acts the national government has majorly failed the women in rural areas in relation to land and womens right over its allocation and use, in effect the government has failed to uphold the very principles in the constitution of equality all they have done is further entrench the concept of male-domination in both peoples minds and the institutions in rural South Africa. One of the major reasons behind the increase in dominance in the traditional authorities in rural areas is due to the lack of a significant civil society movement in particular a powerful Womens movement post-1994 to push for equality. Before the first democratic elections in South Africa, the general womens movement was much stronger. Successfully contesting the traditional authorities proposals to have customary law exempt from the gender equality clause  [xii]  and later defeating their bid to have customary law entrenched itself. The womens organisations also managed to successfully mobilise itself after being sidelined in the constitutional negotiation process to form the Womens National Coalition in 1992, with the aim to draft a charter for womens rights, that would be included or at least consulted when the constitution was drawn up. However this coalition didnt last long after the charter was formalised, the ANC womens league become suspicious and believed that other part ies would use the coalition to better themselves and not women as a whole, and as a result dropped out. This left the womens movement in tatters.  [xiii]  There was a further blow to the movement when the ANC was elected to government as many women that were at the forefront of the womens movements became members of parliament on ANC tickets. Leaving the majority of the womens organisations without key players and leaders. The situation was worse in rural areas for these organisations due to the fact they were predominantly urban based and were nowhere near as organised as the traditional authorities. As a result it was far more difficult for rural women to come together against the repressive nature of the Traditional Authorities as they had no organisation or figurehead to unite under. The traditional nature of rural South Africa is also felt within the rural local councils, where the number of women is actually lower than that of the national parliament. This goes against the western norm that women usually do better at the local level.  [xiv]  Gotez and Hassim illustrate two main reasons for this, firstly that traditional patriarchies can be more intense and immediate in their repressive effect on womens engagement at local level compared to the national and secondly that womens movements capacity to support women in local politics and help develop gender equality policy platforms can be fragmented by decentralisation.  [xv]  The lack of an effective womens movement post-1994, has had a negative effect on the development of gender equality. Another problem women face in rural councils is that they are set up to accommodate a male councillors way of life and not a womans who still have to uphold their traditional responsibilities for the home and family, C onnell argues that this holds dangerous potential for fostering exclusivity in political leadership.  [xvi]  Many believe that there are too many meetings that run late and seem to discuss the same issues over and over, which is just not practical for women councillors who have a family and a home to look after alongside their job as councillors. Unfortunately due to the smaller number of women in local councils than in the national parliament they are unable to ensure that matters such as hours of sitting and childcare are addressed, instead their concerns are ridiculed as womens problems by the male-dominated councils.  [xvii]  These issues enforce the perceptions that women are not capable of serving as councillors and damage the potential contribution of women councillors. Problems like this show just how deeply entrenched male-domination still is in South Africa,  [xviii]  and not just in rural areas but on the national scale. The male domination on real power is st ill very evident. The ANCs history towards Traditional Authorities is very important in understanding why the act the way they do towards them. The ANC was formed in 1912 and many of its founding members were traditional authorities who opposed to the Union of South Africa. However as time when on the ANC became a more radical movement and combined with pressure from its youth League and its communist allies the ANC split in two when it came to what to do with Traditional authorities today; the first being pro traditional authorities providing that they were critical of government policy. The second, who were clearly influenced by their communist allies, argued that the institution of traditional authorities belong to a previous feudal era and should be replaced by a more democratic institution.  [xix]   One of the main questions to be looked at is why the ANC has made so many concessions to the traditional authorities at the time of transition at the expense of gender equality, in spite of their obvious commitment to equality, in particular gender equality, both in the constitution and their own party politics (i.e. the election quota). The ANC has always been split and extremely ambiguous in its views and policy towards the institution of traditional authority. It is also widely accepted that tampering with the power of chiefs threatens to create a mass amount of political problems.  [xx]  Because of this most politicians feel the issue is best left alone. There are a number of possible reasons this. The first being that the ANC is fundamentally urban based and has always been considered to be very weak in rural areas, alongside that it has never had a coherent programme to build alternative democratic structures in the rural areas to try and combat this problem.  [xxi]  And as a result the ANC has been and remains depended on traditional authorities to be their main representation in rural areas. This originated when the party was in exile but has continued to the present day, which makes it difficult for the ANC to alienate them. The ANC has to also remember that it has to take peoples commitment to custom, culture and tradition seriously if it wants keep its support in rural areas and if any program of rural construction is to succeed.  [xxii]  The ANC cannot just rush in and dismantle peoples beliefs and way of life as a large number of people still believe in and support traditional authorities and what they stand for, it will be long and slow process that will have to be carried out with the upmost care, Ismail [1999] illustrates this point well that traditional leaders cannot be abolished overnight without causing some political disequilibrium among the indigenous people especially in rural areas.  [xxiii]   The ANC has also faced direct pressure from the traditional authorities themselves, both through the Inkatha freedom Party (IFP), the Congress of Traditional Leaders in South Africa  [5]  (CONTRALESA) and the right-wing Zulu nationalist chief Buthelezi, who is recruiting chiefs who opposed the ANC during the anti-apartheid era.  [xxiv]  The ANC feels it must maintain a good relationship with CONTRALESA so that it wont lose the support of the traditional authorities who are members and their followers, who the ANC consider to be important voter blocks. Ultimately the ANC had a choice to make; to take the Traditional Authorities head on in order for womens rights to not only be written in the constitution but actually be put into practice and be experienced by women throughout south African society, or to appease the Traditional Authorities and allow for gender inequality to continue despite this going against the very constitution they wish to uphold. Unfortunately (for womens rights) the ANC has seemed to favour the latter option. But the very fact that the ANC has need to make a choice between the two is evidence of the incompatibility of Traditional Authorities and the concept of gender equality. One thing that the womens movement must remember is that getting women into parliament is not a guarantee that she will help promote gender equality as not all women have feminist interests and will most likely represent their parties interests not that of women,  [xxv]  this can be partly due to the party-list system used in South Africa, which means if you want to stay high on the list and remain in parliament you have to tow the party line. There is also the problem that women just dont feel comfortable enough to raise the question of the prolonged gender inequality within South African society, this is generally down to the traditional view upheld by many South Africans. Friedman actually argues that by putting women on committees when they are not comfortable with being in a position of authority may actually be counterproductive for and long-term strategy for empowering women.  [xxvi]  This can be down to the inexperience and uncertainty of women councillors which may l ead to them being unable to effectively articulate their opinions and concerns, leading to the reinforcement of not only the opinion that women are not cut out to be involved in politics but also the very concept of inequality. This is shown very clearly by Goetz and Hassim with their study in Temba in 2000, in which women councillors had made no concrete suggestions except to second motions.  [xxvii]  According to the women in Temba this is because they feel intimidated by the men who still hold the traditional values of women being inferior. men in the council laugh and interrupt our contributions.  [xxviii]  This is a problem that is widely known about to the majority of ANC members but still little is being done to address the issue. It is clear that if gender equality is to be a success then it is not just the traditional institutions that need to change, it is the peoples views about gender as well. Men need to accept women as their equals and women need to be empowere d so that they can be confident enough so that they can stand up for their opinions, concerns and rights. Traditional authorities in their current state are most definitely incompatible with the demand for gender equality. However as customs and traditions are never set in stone but a product of a complex and dynamic history of contestation, co-optation, reconstruction and invention,  [xxix]  traditional authorities could, if they learn to incorporate gender equality and accept the legitimate role of the democratically elected local bodies, in theory be a legitimate part of the South African democracy. However if they continue to push of their unelected body to have increased power and refuse to recognise the legitimacy of rural elected bodies and that women have equal status then they should not have a place in a democratic South Africa, as the very nature of traditional authorities is undemocratic. It is up to the government to follow through with their promise of equality, and particularly for this case gender equality by either removing them completely (which will inevitably be u npopular with a large proportion of the population especial in rural areas) or alternatively force them to become more democratic. In the current state it is unlikely that the government will do so as it could very well play into the hands of their opposition. Therefore there is a desperate need for a strong womens movement to not only put pressure on the government but to also mobilise the women of South Africa to stand up for their constitutional right of equality.

Energy Deregulation :: essays research papers

As we have witnessed the rolling blackouts and emergency alerts throughout many parts of our state of California within the past 12 months, there is a question waiting to be answered. Why do we have an energy crisis when there are other states that are doing just fine? Before we come to any hasty conclusion, let us ask ourselves what happened to the energy policy during the mid 90s? During that period the electric utilities went from being highly regulated to being deregulated following the trend in successful deregulation of many industries such as airline and telecommunication industries. The concept that deregulation will bring more competitive prices and better services to the public, undermined the negative potentials of the free market system. Deregulation bill must be abolished because it brings higher electricity prices, lower reliabilities of electricity, and also it threatens to drag down our economy along with it. First, we have seen a nation-wide increase in both wholesale and retail electricity prices. In California as an example, the wholesale prices increased seven times last year compared to 1999 (Kahn and Lynch 13). The average residential electric bill almost doubled from $40 to $80 in San Diego when the SDG & E’s retail price freeze ended in June 2000.1 According to Washington Governor Gray Locke, â€Å"the whole energy prices have gone up from ten to twenty times the prices of a year ago (1). In New York, more specifically in New York City and parts of Westchester County which are one of the first areas in the country to deregulate retail prices entirely, the retail rates have increased almost 30% (Eisenberg 47). This is bad when you consider that ones that are going to be most hurt from these unreasonably high electricity prices will be the individuals and families that are in the low-income bracket. Second, the reliability of electricity was compromised throughout many parts of our state, affecting both residential and business sectors. On June 14, 2000, about 100,000 customers were blacked out in San Francisco Bay Area (Kahn and Lynch 9-10). According to Lorenco Goncalves, the CEO of California steel industries, â€Å"We were interrupted 14 times this month [January] compared to not once from 1987 to 1998. So many other industries depend on what we send them†¦If they can’t depend on my products, they will [buy them] elsewhere† (Wood and Sherer). These uncertain interruptions are causing a lot of damage in our economy.

Mary Ainsworth Attachment Theory

Ahmad Stevens Charlene Holm General Phycology 1 November 2012 Mary Ainsworth Attachment Theory Mary Ainsworth the psychologists who provide the most detailed analyst research on an individual attachment offering explanations. Like for instants we has adults teenagers know enough how we feel when the person leaves or apart from us and we are able to explain in it words. That does not go so well for young babies such has infants.In doing so Mary Ainsworth devised an experiment to discover and identify attachment styles. She called the technique used called Strange Situation Classification she also stated that results may vary from between children. The result from the experiment Strange Situation Classification identified security attachment. In order to determine the attachment behavior in children 1 to 2 years of age and also attachment styles.So Ainsworth Four categories of behaviors are measured and observed: (1) separation anxiety: the unease the infant shows when left by the care giver, (2) the infant’s willingness to explore, (3) stranger anxiety: the infant’s response to the presence of a stranger, and (4) reunion behavior: the way the caregiver was greeted on return. The observer notes down the behavior displayed and scores the behavior for intensity on a scale 1 to 7. McLeod, S. A. (2008). Mary Ainsworth | Attachment Styles. Retrieved from http://www. simplypsychoAinswPatterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of the Strange Situation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. ogy. org/mary-ainsworth. html Her set of observational studies using the ‘Strange Situation’ paradigm (see above) revealed three distinct forms of attachment (‘attachment styles’). One secure attachment style and two types of insecure attachments. Ainsworth (1970) identified three main attachment styles, secure, avoidant and resistant/ambivalent. She concluded that these attachment styles were the result of early interactions with the mother. A forth attach ment style known as disorganized was later identified (Main, & Solomon, 1990). | Secure Attachment| Resistant Attachment| Avoidant Attachment| SeparationAnxiety| Distressed when mother leaves. | Infant shows signs of intense distress when mother leaves. | Infant shows no sign of distress when mother leaves. | Stranger Anxiety| Avoidant of stranger when alone but friendly when mother present. | Infant avoids the stranger – shows fear of stranger. | Infant is okay with the stranger and plays normally when stranger is present. | Reunion behavior| Positive and happy when mother returns. | Child approaches mother but resists contact, may even push her away. | Infant shows little interest when mother returns. | Other| Will use the mother as a safe base to explore their environment. Infant cries more and explores less than the other 2 types. | Mother and stranger are able to comfort infant equally well. | % of infants| 70| 15| 15| Ainsworth, M. D. S. , Blehar, M. C. , Waters, E. , & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of the Strange Situation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Ainsworth & Bell suggested that behavior in the strange situation classification was determined by the behavior of the primary carer in this case the mother. She identified many attachment behaviors which gives us a detailed report on attachment theory .Insecure Resistant attached infants are associated with inconsistent primary care. Insecure Avoidant infants are associated with unresponsive primary care. Avoidant children think themselves unworthy and unacceptable, caused by a rejecting primary caregiver(Larose & Bernier, 2001). Resistant children have negative self image and exaggerate their emotional responses as a way to gain attention (Kobak et al. , 1993). Reference Ainsworth, M. D. S. , Blehar, M. C. , Waters, E. , & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of the Strange Situation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.Ainsworth, M. D. S. , Blehar, M. C. , Waters, E. , & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment: A psychological study of the strange situation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Kobak, R. R. , Cole, H. E. , Ferenz-Gillies, R. , Flemming, W. S. , & Gamble, W. (1993). Attachment and emotional regulation during mother-teen problem-solving. A control theory analysis. Child Development, 64, 231-245. Larose, S. , & Bernier, A. (2001). Social support processes: Mediators of attachment state of mind and adjustment in later late adolescence. Attachment and Human Development, 3, 96-120.

Rate Equation and Order Reaction

Top of Form 1. For the overall hypothetical reaction A + 5B —> 4C the rate of appearance of C given by may also be expressed as: A. B. C. D. 2. For the reaction 4 NH3(g) + 5 O2(g) —> 4 NO(g) + 6 H2O(g), the value of -[NH3]/t = 2. 6 x 10-3 M/s at a particular time. What is the value of -[O2]/t at the same instant? A. 1. 3 x 10-2 M/s B. 2. 08 x 10-3 M/s C. 2. 6 x 10-3 M/s D. 3. 25 x 10-3 M/s E. 520 M/s 3. What is the overall order for the following reaction between acetone and iodine? The experimental rate law is rate = k [CH3COCH3] [H3O+] ) CH3COCH3(aq) + I2(aq) +H2O —> CH3COCH2I(aq) + H3O+(aq) + I-(aq) A. 0 B. 1 C. 2 D. 3 E. 4 4. Nitric oxide (NO) reacts with hydrogen (H2) according to the equation: 2 NO(g) + 2 H2(g) —> N2(g) + 2 H2O(g) The following initial rates of reaction have been measured for the given reactant concentrations. Expt. # | NO | H2 | Rate (M/hr)| 1 | 0. 010 | 0. 020 | 0. 020| 2 | 0. 015 | 0. 020 | 0. 030| 3 | 0. 010 | 0. 010 | 0. 005| Which of the following is the rate law (rate equation) for this reaction? A. rate = k[NO]2 [H2] B. rate = k[NO] [H2]2 C. rate = k[NO] [H2]4 D. ate = k[NO] [H2] E. rate = k[NO]1/2 [H2]1/4 5. A certain first order reaction A —> B is 46 % complete in 68 min at 25Â °C. What is its rate constant? A. 9. 06 x 10-3 min-1 B. 1. 14 x 10-2 min-1 C. 31 min-1 D. -1. 14 x 10-2 min-1 E. 51 min-1 6. What is the value of the rate constant for a first order reaction for which the half-life is 26. 7 min? A. 18. 5 min-1 B. 38. 5 min-1 C. 9. 25 min-1D. 19. 3 min-1 E. 0. 026 min-1 7. A reaction which is second order has a rate constant of 1. 0 x 10-3 LÂ · mol-1 Â ° sec-1. If the initial concentration of the reactant is 0. 200 M, how long will it take for the concentration to become 0. 250 M? A. 4. 0 x 104 s B. 3. 5 x 104 min C. 3. 5 x 104 s D. 8000 s E. 3. 5 x 10-2 s 8. What is the half life of the previous second order reaction? A. 200 s B. 5000 s C. 0. 005 s D. 2 x 10-4 s E. none of the above 9. For the chemical reaction A —> C, a plot of ln[A] versus time is found to give a straight line with a negative slope. What is the order of the reaction? A. third B. second C. first D. zero E. such a plot cannot reveal the order of reaction 10. What is the slope of an Arrhenius plot for the following reaction? CH3CHO(g) —> CH4(g) + CO(g) Temp (K); k (LÂ ·mol-1Â ·s-1) 700; 0. 11 730; 0. 035 790; 0. 343 A. 7. 86 x 10-2 L mol-1 s-1/K B. 2. 89 x 10-3 K C. -2. 87 x 103 K D. 3. 23 x 10-4 K E. -2. 32 x 104 K 11. The rate constant of a first order reaction is 3. 68 x 10-2 s-1 at 150Â °C. What is the rate constant at 170Â °C if the activation energy for the reaction is 71 kJ/mol? A. 9. 16 x 10-2 s-1 B. 3. 68 x 10-2 s-1 C. 10. 92 s-1 D. -4. 04 x 10-2 s-1 E. 2. 46 x 101 s-1 12. A catalyst increases the rate of a reaction by A. increasing the enthalpy of the reaction B. lowering the activation energy C. raising the activation energy D. decreasing the enth alpy of the reaction 13.For the following exothermic reaction, the rate law at 298 K is: Rate = k [H2] [I2] ———– H2(g) + I2(g) –> 2 HI(g) Addition of a catalyst would effect the initial rate of the reaction by: A. increasing the rate of the forward reaction B. increasing the rate of both forward and reverse reactions C. increasing the rate of the reverse reaction D. causing no increase or decrease in the rate of reaction E. none of the above 14. If the rate of the reaction PCl5 —> PCl3 + Cl2 is increased a factor of four by doubling the concentration of PCl5, the rate law: A. depends on the concentrations of PCl3 and Cl2B. is first order with respect to PCl5 C. is second order with respect to PCl5 D. is fourth order with respect to PCl5 15.. Consider the reaction of CH3Cl with hydroxide ion CH3Cl + OH- –> CH3OH + Cl- At some temperature the following data are collected: Initial conc| rate after 1 min| [CH3Cl]| [OH-| | 0. 1 M| 0. 1 M| 1 x 10-4 mole/L| 0. 2 M| 0. 1 M| 2 x 10-4 mole/L| 0. 1 M| 0. 2 M| 2 x 10-4 mole/L| A. The reaction is first order with respect to methyl chloride B. The reaction is first order with respect to hydroxide ion C. The reaction is second order overall D. All of the above

Writing a Personal Journal

Writing a Personal Journal A journal is a written record of incidents, experiences, and ideas. Also known as a  personal journal,  notebook, diary, and log. Writers often keep journals to record observations and explore ideas that may eventually be developed into more formal essays, articles, and stories. The  personal journal is  a very private document, says  Brian Alleyne, a place where the author records and reflects on lifes events. Knowledge of the self in the  personal journal is  retrospective knowledge and therefore potentially narrative self-knowledge (Narrative Networks, 2015). Observations The writers journal is a record of and workbook for your writing life. It is your repository for bits of experience, observation and thought destined for eventual use in one writing project or another. The entries in a personal journal tend to be abstract, but the entries in a writers journal should be concrete. (Alice Orr, No More Rejections. Writers Digest Books, 2004)All of us who keep journals do so for different reasons, I suppose, but we must have in common a fascination with the surprising patterns that emerge over the years- a sort of arabesque in which certain elements appear and reappear, like the designs in a well-wrought novel. (Joyce Carol Oates, interviewed by Robert Phillips. The Paris Review, Fall-Winter 1978)Think nothing too trifling to write down, so it be in the smallest degree characteristic. You will be surprised to find on reperusing your journal what an importance and graphic power these little particulars assume. (Nathaniel Hawthorne, letter to Horatio Bridge , May 3, 1843) Poet Stephen Spender: Write Anything I feel as though I could not write again. Words seem to break in my mind like sticks when I put them down on paper. . . . I must put out my hands and grasp the handfuls of facts. How extraordinary they are! The aluminum balloons seem nailed into the sky like those bolts which hold together the irradiating struts between the wings of a biplane. The streets become more and more deserted, and the West End is full of shops to let. Sandbags are laid above the glass pavements over basements along the sidewalk. . . . The best thing is to write anything, anything that comes into my mind until there is a calm and creative day. It is essential to be patient and to remember that nothing one feels is the last word. (Stephen Spender, Journal, London, September 1939) Orwells Notebook Entry Curious effect, here in the sanatorium, on Easter Sunday, when people in this (the most expensive) block of chalets mostly have visitors, of hearing large numbers of upper-class English voices. . . . And what voices! A sort of over-fedness, a fatuous self-confidence, a constant bah-bahing of laughter abt nothing, above all a sort of heaviness and richness combined with a fundamental ill will. (George Orwell, notebook entry for April 17, 1949, Collected Essays 1945-1950) Functions of a Journal Many professional writers use journals, and the habit is a good one for anybody interested in writing, even if he or she has no literary ambitions. Journals store perceptions, ideas, emotions, actions- all future material for essays or stories. The Journals of Henry Thoreau are a famous example, as are A Writers Diary by Virginia Woolf, the Notebooks of the French novelist Albert Camus, and A War-time Diary by the English writer George Orwell. If a journal is really to help you develop as a writer, youve got to do more than compose trite commonplaces or mechanically list what happens each day. You have to look honestly and freshly at the world around you and at the self within. (Thomas S. Kane, The New Oxford Guide to Writing. Oxford University Press, 1988) Thoreaus Journals As repositories of facts, Thoreaus journals act like a writers warehouse in which he indexes his stored observations. Here is a typical list: It occurs to me that these phenomena occur simultaneously, say June 12, viz:Heat about 85 at 2P.M. True summer. Hylodes cease to peep. Purring frogs ( Rana palustris) cease. Lightning bugs first seen. Bullfrogs trump generally. Mosquitoes begin to be really troublesome. Afternoon thunder-showers almost regular. Sleep with open window (10th), and wear thin coat and ribbon neck. Turtles fairly and generally begun to lay. [15 June 1860] In addition to their function as storage, the journals constitute a complex of processing plants as well, where the notations become descriptions, meditations, ruminations, judgments, and other types of studies: From all points of the compass, from the earth beneath and the heavens above, have come these inspirations and been entered duly in the order of arrival in the journal. Thereafter, when the time arrived, they were winnowed into lectures, and again, in due time, from lectures into essays (1845-1847). In short, in the journals, Thoreau negotiates the transformation of facts into forms of written expressions that have entirely different orders of resonance . . .. (Robert E. Belknap, The List: The Uses and Pleasures of Cataloguing. Yale University  Press, 2004) A Contrarians View People ask whether I use a notebook, and the answer is no. I think a writers notebook is the best way there is to immortalize really bad ideas, whereas the Darwinian process takes place if you dont write anything down. The bad ones float away, and the good ones stay. (Stephen King, quoted in Whats on Stephen Kings Dark Side? by Brian Truitt. USA Weekend, October  29-31, 2010) Are Journal-Keepers Introspective or Self-Absorbed? Some people like to keep a journal. Some people think it’s a bad idea. People who keep a journal often see it as part of the process of self-understanding and personal growth. They don’t want insights and events to slip through their minds. They think with their fingers and have to write to process experiences and become aware of their feelings. People who oppose journal-keeping fear it contributes to self-absorption and narcissism. C.S. Lewis, who kept a journal at times, feared that it just aggravated sadness and reinforced neurosis. Gen. George Marshall did not keep a diary during World War II because he thought it would lead to self-deception or hesitation in reaching decisions. The question is: How do you succeed in being introspective without being self-absorbed? (David Brooks, Introspective or Narcissistic? The New York Times, August 7, 2014)

Fort Mims Massacre in the Creek War

Fort Mims Massacre in the Creek War Fort Mims Massacre - Conflict Date: The Fort Mims Massacre took place on August 30, 1813, during the Creek War (1813-1814). Armies Commander United States Major Daniel BeasleyCaptain Dixon Bailey265 men Creeks Peter McQueenWilliam Weatherford750-1,000 men Fort Mims Massacre - Background: With the United States and Britain engaged in the War of 1812, the Upper Creek elected to join with the British in 1813 and began attacks on American settlements in the southeast. This decision was based on the actions of the Shawnee leader Tecumseh who had visited the area in 1811 calling for a Native American confederacy, intrigues from the Spanish in Florida, as well as resentment about encroaching American settlers. Known as the Red Sticks, mostly likely due to the their red-painted war clubs, the Upper Creeks were led by notable chiefs such as Peter McQueen and William Weatherford (Red Eagle). Fort Mims Massacre - Defeat at Burnt Corn: In July 1813, McQueen led a band of Red Sticks to Pensacola, FL where they obtained arms from the Spanish. Learning of this, Colonel James Caller and Captain Dixon Bailey departed Fort Mims, AL with the goal of intercepting McQueens force. On July 27, Caller successfully ambushed the Creek warriors at the Battle of Burnt Corn. As the Red Sticks fled into the swamps around Burnt Corn Creek, the Americans paused to loot the enemys camp. Seeing this, McQueen rallied his warriors and counterattacked. Overwhelmed, Callers men were forced to retreat. Fort Mims Massacre - The American Defenses: Angered by the attack at Burnt Corn Creek, McQueen began planning an operation against Fort Mims. Constructed on high ground near Lake Tensaw, Fort Mims was situated on the east bank of the Alabama River north of Mobile. Consisting of a stockade, blockhouse, and sixteen other buildings, Fort Mims provided protection for over 500 people including a militia force numbering approximately 265 men. Commanded by Major Daniel Beasley, a lawyer by trade, many of the forts inhabitants, including Dixon Bailey, were mixed-race and part Creek. Fort Mims Massacre - Warnings Ignored: Though encouraged to improve Fort Mims defenses by Brigadier General Ferdinand L. Claiborne, Beasley was slow to act. Advancing west, McQueen was joined by the noted chief William Weatherford (Red Eagle). Possessing around 750-1,000 warriors, they moved towards the American outpost and reached a point six miles away on August 29. Taking cover in tall grass, the Creek force was spotted by two slaves who were tending cattle. Racing back to the fort, they informed Beasley of the enemys approach. Though Beasley dispatched mounted scouts, they failed to find any trace of the Red Sticks. Angered, Beasley ordered the slaves punished for providing false information. Moving closer through the afternoon, the Creek force was nearly in place by nightfall. After dark, Weatherford and two warriors approached the forts walls and scouted the interior by looking through the loopholes in the stockade. Finding that the guard was lax, they also noticed that the main gate was open as it was blocked from completely closing by a bank of sand. Returning to the main Red Stick force, Weatherford planned the attack for the next day. Fort Mims Massacre - Blood in the Stockade: The next morning, Beasley was again alerted to the approach of a Creek force by local scout James Cornells. Disregarding this report, he attempted to have Cornells arrested, but the scout rapidly departed the fort. Around noon, the forts drummer summoned the garrison for the midday meal. This was used as the attack signal by the Creek. Surging forward, they rapidly advanced on the fort with many of the warriors taking control of the loopholes in the stockade and opening fire. This provided cover for others who successfully breached the open gate. The first Creeks to enter the fort were four warriors who had been blessed to become invincible to bullets. Though they were struck down, they briefly delayed the garrison while their comrades poured into the fort. Though some later claimed he had been drinking, Beasley attempted to rally a defense at the gate and was struck down early in the fighting. Taking command, Bailey and the forts garrison occupied its inner defenses and buildings. Mounting a stubborn defense, they slowed the Red Stick onslaught. Unable to force the Red Sticks out of the fort, Bailey found his men gradually being pushed back. As the militia fought for control of the fort, many of the settlers were struck down by the Red Sticks including women and children. Using flaming arrows, the Red Sticks were able to force the defenders from forts buildings. Sometime after 3:00 PM, Bailey and his remaining men were driven from two buildings along the forts north wall and killed. Elsewhere, some of the garrison was able to break through the stockade and escape. With the collapse of organized resistance, the Red Sticks began a wholesale massacre of the surviving settlers and militia. Fort Mims Massacre: Aftermath: Some reports indicate that Weatherford attempted to halt the killing but was unable to bring the warriors under control. The Red Sticks blood lust may have been partially fueled by a false rumor which stated that the British would pay five dollars for each white scalp delivered to Pensacola. When the killing ended, as many as 517 settlers and soldiers had been struck down. Red Stick losses are not known with any precision and estimates vary from as low as 50 killed to as high as 400. While the whites at Fort Mims were largely killed, the Red Sticks spared the forts slaves and took them as their own. The Fort Mims Massacre stunned the American public and Claiborne was criticized for his handling of the frontier defenses. Beginning that fall, an organized campaign to defeat the Red Sticks commenced using a mix of US regulars and militia. These efforts culminated in March 1814 when Major General Andrew Jackson decisively defeated the Red Sticks at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend. In the wake of the defeat, Weatherford approached Jackson seeking peace. After brief negotiations, the two concluded the Treaty of Fort Jackson which ended the war in August 1814. Selected Sources Fort Mims Massacre Fort Mims Restoration Association